"Particularly for younger voters for whom the appeal of capitalism is declining, "socialism" (as I've written in "What Young Voters Want When They Want Socialism") is short-hand for a less rigged and rapacious, more restrained and fair type of market economy than the brand that ascended with 80s-era Reaganism and Thatcherism and crashed with the 2008 Financial Crisis. In this light, critiques of 40 years of neoliberalism are serious challenges to centrists like Hickenlooper, Bennet, and Delaney. It’s the last conversation they want to have because they don’t even know how to have it now that Trumpism has slaughtered their sacred cows."
"There is an analogy to be made between anti-vaxxers and climate-change deniers. Both groups place faith in a gut-level sense of their rightful position on an issue that has far-reaching existential implications. And both groups refuse to acknowledge the vast body of sound scientific literature proving them wrong."
One of the gloomier American narratives of our time is the possibility that Millennials will not prosper as their Boomer parents have. We assume that the obvious question in response to this is “Why?” as if Millenials are the paltry exception to a trend of ever increasing prosperity. But what if the question is “Why not?” as if the inevitability of their situation weren’t already baked in before they were born?
Today: Low productivity, trade war, no money control, Hume this!, YubiKey, Neoliberalism is dying, benefits torch wages, Mises!, curse you Western philosophy!, and a child abuse contrarian. Come get some.
Goods and rights are regulated in completely different ways. Regulating rights as if they were goods—subjecting them to what looks like the market forces of supply and demand—can lead to suppressing or marginalizing them if enough people or interests (the market) are against them. In this way the postmodern position can transform into the neoliberal position with little slack. Free speech isn’t a right at all, but a commodity, its value rising and failing as the marketplace of ideas dictates. Our “incredulity towards metanarratives” is assuaged by how natural and right neoliberal frameworks seem.
Neither the public nor private sector took the lead in developing the essential architecture of the most important communication development since writing. Rather, a third force deserves most of the credit—peer networks.
The Negro whisper benefits from convincing black people and reassuring white people that "the system" is running exactly as it should. That exceptional blacks did it on their own while poor and struggling blacks are where they are because of bad choices. Therefore, politics becomes essentially personal and entrepreneurial, the means by which we change individual behavior and thought to fit the logic of the marketplace. It’s not about changing how society is organized and distributes public goods.
Corporatist puppets like Neera Tanden and fauxgressives like Howard Dean have to smear Gabbard for the same reasons they went after Bernie Sanders.
When the fake can’t overcome the real thing, its only option is to get real. However the upper echelon of the I Can’t Believe It’s Not The Republican Party has no interest in this kind of analysis. Therefore, the party has no interest in reality.